Xenophobia in South Africa: Governance Failure, Displaced Frustration and the Erosion of African Solidarity

Abstract

This article examines the resurgence of xenophobic hostility in South Africa through legal, historical and psychological perspectives. It argues that the crisis cannot be understood only as a social conflict because it is shaped by constitutional obligations, administrative failures and the legacies of colonialism and apartheid. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa guarantees dignity, equality and security to everyone within the Republic.^[1] The Immigration Act 13 of 2002 establishes the framework for lawful entry and residence.^[2] South Africa is also bound by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,^[3] and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights which require states to protect all persons within their jurisdiction.^[4] The article draws on recent incidents involving African migrants including Ghanaian nationals and analyses South Africa’s duties under domestic constitutional law, administrative law and international human rights instruments. It explores displaced frustration, a psychological process where communities under pressure redirect anger toward vulnerable groups rather than toward the institutions responsible for their hardship. This analysis is informed by post-colonial theorists such as Frantz Fanon,^[5] Mahmood Mamdani,^[6] and Achille Mbembe whose work explains how historical trauma and unresolved inequality shape contemporary hostility.^[7] The article acknowledges limitations including reliance on media reports, incomplete data and the difficulty of assessing informal social dynamics. It concludes that xenophobia is a test of constitutionalism, regional cooperation and collective memory and argues that meaningful reform requires institutional reconstruction and a renewed commitment to the values that once united African nations.

1. Introduction

Xenophobic hostility in South Africa has raised serious concerns across the African continent. Although public frustration is genuine, the evidence shows that the roots of this crisis lie in long-standing governance failures, institutional weaknesses and economic pressures rather than in the presence of African migrants. Reports from the Institute for Security Studies show that public perceptions of migrant criminality are often inaccurate and shaped by misinformation.^[8] Understanding this distinction is essential for developing a response that protects human dignity and strengthens regional cooperation.

This article also recognises the limitations of analysing a fast-moving social issue. Many incidents are documented only through media reports or social-media footage and official data is sometimes incomplete. These limitations do not weaken the argument but require careful interpretation.

2. A Personal Perspective and the Search for Blame

To understand public sentiment, I asked a South African friend for his view. He explained that many citizens feel abandoned by the state and believe that undocumented migrants use public resources that should be reserved for citizens. He also said that some inner-city areas have become associated with crime and drug activity and that people blame undocumented migrants for these conditions. He mentioned that some individuals have bought South African passports illegally and that this has damaged trust in the immigration system.

This perspective is important because it shows how frustration becomes personalised. However, it also has limitations because it reflects one individual’s experience and cannot represent the views of all South Africans. Research from the Institute for Security Studies shows that most crime is committed by citizens rather than migrants.^[9] Reports from Human Rights Watch show that migrants often struggle to access healthcare due to discrimination and administrative barriers which contradicts the belief that they overwhelm public services.^[10] Public frustration is therefore understandable, but scapegoating entire communities is neither justified nor effective.

3. Recent Incidents and Ghana’s Diplomatic Response

In April 2026, several videos circulated widely on social media showing confrontations between South Africans and African migrants. One video shows approximately fifteen South Africans surrounding a Ghanaian man who works in the beauty industry. The group demanded to see his passport and told him that they were “tired of seeing Africans migrating around Africa and refusing to fix their own countries,” adding that they were “making it clear” that they no longer wanted other Africans in South Africa.^[11]

The BBC reported that children of foreign African nationals were prevented from attending school during anti-immigration protests with police deployed to prevent violence.^[12] Sky News reported that thousands marched through major cities accusing migrants of taking jobs, healthcare and housing and documented a man being tasered by a protester in central Johannesburg.^[13] A rally in Durban called for the removal of foreign nationals which reflected growing tensions in KwaZulu-Natal.

Another video shows South Africans walking through an informal settlement at night, recording people’s homes and identifying the occupants as “foreigners” who allegedly lacked documentation. One individual stated that “these foreigners are sleeping nicely in their homes while we are outside in the cold. They cannot come here and take our sleep from us.” The footage shows groups moving door‑to‑door, demanding to know who lived in each dwelling. The video has been linked to Operation Dudula, a vigilante movement known for conducting disruptive checks on migrants.

These incidents prompted immediate diplomatic engagement from Ghana. Ghana’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, expressed deep concern about the safety and well‑being of Ghanaians living in South Africa following the circulation of the video involving the Ghanaian man.^[14] He confirmed that Ghana’s High Commission in Pretoria had located the individual and was providing consular support.^[15] Ablakwa further stated that Ghana had engaged South African authorities to ensure the protection of Ghanaian nationals and to request a full investigation into the incidents.^[16] Sahara Reporters noted that Ghana summoned the South African envoy and demanded protection for its nationals.^[17]

It is important to note that this section relies on media reports and social-media footage, which may not capture the full context of each incident.

4. Historical Context: Mahama’s 2015 Warning

The resurfacing of former President John Dramani Mahama’s 2015 remarks has added historical depth to the current debate. According to a report by GhanaWeb, Mahama condemned xenophobic attacks in South Africa as “most regrettable and most unfortunate,” stressing that many young South Africans “do not know what happened before they gained their freedom.”^[18]

He reminded South Africans that “the whole of this continent stood behind South Africa to fight apartheid,” offering safe haven, passports and political support to South African freedom fighters. His comments highlight a contradiction between South Africa’s liberation history and its current treatment of African migrants. This contradiction is significant because the African Union’s Agenda 2063 emphasises continental unity, shared prosperity and the free movement of African people.^[19] The African Union’s Free Movement Protocol also commits member states to facilitate mobility and protect the rights of African nationals across borders^[20] Mahama argued that the attacks betrayed this history of solidarity and urged the South African government to take strong action to prevent further violence. These instruments show that xenophobia undermines regional integration and contradicts South Africa’s international obligations.

His comments, originally made after more than ten people had been killed in xenophobic attacks, have regained relevance as similar patterns re‑emerge today. A limitation of relying on historical statements is that they cannot fully explain present-day behaviour. However, they help show how far public sentiment has shifted from the values that once guided African unity.

5. Governance Failure and the Legal Roots of Public Frustration

South Africa’s immigration challenges are fundamentally administrative. The Department of Home Affairs has long been criticised for corruption, inefficiency and weak document‑verification systems. These failures violate the principle of legality, which requires public bodies to act rationally, transparently and within the bounds of their statutory powers. The Constitutional Court affirmed this principle in Khosa v Minister of Social Development where it held that the state must treat all persons with dignity and fairness when administering social programmes.^[21] This judgment is relevant because it shows that constitutional protections extend to non-citizens and that administrative failures can amount to rights violations. However, when the state fails to administer immigration law effectively, it creates legal uncertainty that fuels public resentment.

Courts issued interdicts in late 2025 preventing Operation Dudula from blocking access to healthcare and schools or harassing foreign nationals. Sahara Reporters documented that courts described the group’s actions as xeno-racism which targeted Black African migrants.^[22] Parliamentary committees condemned the group’s tactics and warned that they disrupt essential services.^[23] The South African Human Rights Commission’s 2022 report found that xenophobic violence is often fuelled by misinformation and weak law enforcement.^[24] The Commission also noted that state institutions sometimes fail to protect migrants which undermines constitutional rights.^[25] The South African Police Service confirmed that Operation Dudula is monitored on its threat matrix and acknowledged that the group’s actions increase the risk of violence.^[26]

A limitation in this section is that some official documents are not publicly available which restricts the depth of legal analysis. However, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996 guarantees dignity, equality and security to “everyone” within the Republic. These rights apply irrespective of nationality or immigration status. The recent videos showing groups demanding passports, threatening migrants and attempting to remove them from public spaces represent a direct violation of these constitutional guarantees. Vigilante enforcement is incompatible with constitutional supremacy and the separation of powers.

Internationally, South Africa is bound by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, both of which require states to prevent, investigate and punish violence against non‑nationals. Failure to do so risks breaching the duty of due diligence and may invite diplomatic consequences, as seen in Ghana’s swift intervention.

6. Continental Implications and the Threat to African Unity

The diplomatic responses from Ghana and other African states highlight the broader continental implications of the crisis. Xenophobia threatens regional cooperation, undermines the principle of African mobility and risks damaging relationships built during the struggle against apartheid. As Mahama’s earlier warning suggests, xenophobia does not merely harm migrants; it erodes the moral and historical foundations of African unity. The African Union’s Agenda 2063 identifies free movement as essential for economic growth and continental integration.^[27] The Free Movement Protocol similarly emphasises the right of residence and establishment for African nationals.^[28] Xenophobia therefore contradicts South Africa’s commitments under these instruments and risks weakening regional solidarity. Although, since the long-term diplomatic impact is still developing, it cannot be fully assessed at this stage.

6A. Displaced Frustration, Historical Memory and the Psychology of Internalised Harm

Understanding the current hostility requires a careful psychological and historical analysis. Scholars of social psychology, post-colonial studies and conflict behaviour have long observed that communities experiencing deep structural pressure sometimes direct their frustration toward groups who are more vulnerable rather than toward the systems that created the hardship. This phenomenon, known as displaced aggression, occurs when people feel unable to confront the true source of their difficulties because it is too powerful, too distant or too complex to challenge directly. Fanon described this as a form of internalised violence where the pain inflicted by colonial structures is reproduced within the community itself.^[29] Mamdani argued that when states fail to dismantle inherited hierarchies, citizens may police one another in ways that echo the very systems they once resisted.^[30] Mbembe wrote about the afterlives of colonial power and the ways in which unresolved trauma shapes contemporary political behaviour.^[31] These theories help explain why anger is redirected toward those who are more accessible and less protected.

In the South African context, the larger forces are not other African nations but the legacies of colonialism, the structural inequalities entrenched by apartheid and the contemporary failures of governance. These forces have produced unemployment, housing shortages and uneven access to public services. They are vast, historical and institutional and therefore difficult for individuals to confront. Migrants, by contrast, are visible, proximate and often lack political power. This makes them vulnerable to being cast as symbols of broader frustrations even though they did not create the underlying problems.

This psychological pattern becomes clearer when considering land ownership. According to the 2017 Land Audit Report, white individuals who make up about seven per cent of the population own roughly seventy two per cent of individually owned agricultural land.^[32] Although land-reform programmes have transferred some land away from white ownership, the overall distribution remains deeply unequal. These structural inequalities are a major source of frustration, yet migrants are blamed for problems they did not create.

When considering this analysis, it is important to note that land-ownership data is complex and sometimes contested which means that exact figures may vary across sources. Psychological explanations also have limits because they cannot fully capture the lived experiences of individuals. However, they provide a useful framework for understanding why xenophobia emerges in contexts marked by historical trauma and institutional weakness.

7. Developed Conclusion: Rebuilding Law, Memory and Solidarity

The xenophobic incidents unfolding in South Africa reveal a crisis that is legal, historical and moral in equal measure. The Constitution guarantees dignity, equality and security to everyone within the Republic which means that xenophobic violence violates constitutional rights.^[33] The Immigration Act requires lawful and fair administration of migration which is undermined when state institutions fail to manage documentation systems effectively.^[34] South Africa’s obligations under the ICCPR,^[35] and the African Charter require the state to protect all persons within its jurisdiction which includes migrants.^[36] These instruments show that xenophobia is not only a social problem but a breach of domestic and international law.

Historically, the crisis reflects a disjuncture between South Africa’s liberation memory and its present conduct. Mahama’s 2015 warning highlighted that African nations supported South Africans during apartheid by offering refuge, passports and political solidarity.^[37] The African Union’s Agenda 2063 emphasises unity, shared prosperity and the free movement of African people which xenophobia directly undermines.^[38] The Free Movement Protocol similarly commits states to facilitate mobility and protect the rights of African nationals.^[39] These instruments show that xenophobia threatens continental cooperation and weakens the values that once united African nations.

Psychologically, the crisis reflects displaced frustration. Fanon’s theory of internalised violence explains how communities reproduce the harm inflicted by colonial structures when they cannot challenge the true source of their suffering.^[40] Mamdani’s analysis of inherited hierarchies shows how states that fail to dismantle colonial systems create conditions where citizens police one another.^[41] Mbembe’s work on the afterlives of colonial power shows how unresolved trauma shapes contemporary hostility.^[42] These theories help explain why anger is redirected toward migrants who are visible and vulnerable rather than toward the institutions responsible for structural inequality.

Institutionally, the crisis exposes weaknesses in governance. The South African Human Rights Commission’s 2022 report found that xenophobic violence is often fuelled by misinformation and weak law enforcement.^[43] Human Rights Watch documented that migrants struggle to access healthcare due to discrimination and administrative barriers.^[44] These findings show that state institutions sometimes fail to protect migrants which undermines constitutional rights.

Regionally, xenophobia threatens African unity. The African Union’s Agenda 2063 identifies free movement as essential for economic growth and continental integration.^[45] The Free Movement Protocol emphasises the right of residence and establishment for African nationals.^[46] Xenophobia therefore contradicts South Africa’s commitments under these instruments and risks weakening regional solidarity.

Ultimately, the crisis cannot be resolved through policing alone. It requires a reconstruction of public trust in state institutions, a transparent and lawful immigration system and a reaffirmation of the values that shaped Africa’s liberation struggles. This article has limitations because it relies on media reports, incomplete data and events that are still unfolding. However, the available evidence shows that addressing the structural causes of public frustration while protecting the dignity and safety of all people is the only path that honours both the law and the history that once united African nations. Xenophobia is not merely a social problem; it is a test of constitutionalism, regional cooperation and collective memory. South Africa’s response will determine whether the continent moves towards deeper unity or retreats into fragmentation. Addressing the structural causes of public frustration, while protecting the dignity and safety of all people, is the only path that honours both the law and the history that once united African nations.

Endnotes

^[1] Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996.

^[2] Immigration Act 13 of 2002 (South Africa).

^[3] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (adopted 16 December 1966, entered into force 23 March 1976).

^[4] African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (adopted 27 June 1981, entered into force 21 October 1986).

^[5] Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (Grove Press 1963).

^[6] Mahmood Mamdani, Define and Rule: Native as Political Identity (Harvard University Press 2012).

^[7] Achille Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason (Duke University Press 2017).

^[8] Institute for Security Studies, Migration, Crime and Public Perception in South Africa (2023).

^[9] ibid.

^[10] Human Rights Watch, South Africa: Migrants’ Access to Healthcare Under Threat (2024).

^[11] MyJoyOnline, ‘Ablakwa engages South Africa over alleged viral xenophobic attack videos targeting Ghanaians’ (22 April 2026).

^[12] BBC News, ‘South Africa xenophobia fears after children blocked from school’ (2026) <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c7v9572ne0lo> accessed 3 May 2026.

^[13] Sky News, ‘Thousands march in anti-immigration protests in South Africa’ (2026) <https://x.com/SkyNews/status/2050168653635612675> accessed 3 May 2026.

^[14] ibid.

^[15] Pulse Ghana, ‘Ablakwa confirms no Ghanaian has been killed amid xenophobic attacks in South Africa’ (22 April 2026).

^[16] Graphic Online, ‘Ghana engages South Africa over xenophobic attacks on citizens’ (22 April 2026).

^[17] Sahara Reporters, ‘Ghana Summons South African Envoy Over Rising Xenophobic Attacks’ (23 April 2026).

^[18] Andre Mustapha Nii Okai Inusah, ‘Mahama’s 2015 caution to South Africans resurfaces amid xenophobia’ GhanaWeb (22 April 2026).

^[19] African Union Commission, Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want (2015).

^[20] African Union, Protocol to the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community Relating to Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence and Right of Establishment (2018).

^[21] Khosa and Others v Minister of Social Development and Others 2004 (6) SA 505 (CC).

^[22] Sahara Reporters, ‘Ghana Summons South African Envoy Over Rising Xenophobic Attacks’ (23 April 2026).

^[23] ibid.

^[24] South African Human Rights Commission, Report on Xenophobic Violence (2022).

^[25] ibid.

^[26] Sahara Reporters, ‘Ghana Summons South African Envoy Over Rising Xenophobic Attacks’ (23 April 2026).

^[27] African Union Commission, Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want (2015).

^[28] African Union, Protocol to the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community Relating to Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence and Right of Establishment (2018).

^[29] Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (Grove Press 1963).

^[30] Mahmood Mamdani, Define and Rule: Native as Political Identity (Harvard University Press 2012).

^[31] Achille Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason (Duke University Press 2017).

^[32] Department of Rural Development and Land Reform, Land Audit Report: Phase II Private Land Ownership by Race, Gender and Nationality (2017).

^[33] Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996.

^[34] Immigration Act 13 of 2002 (South Africa).

^[35] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966).

^[36] African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (1981).

^[37] Andre Mustapha Nii Okai Inusah, GhanaWeb (22 April 2026).

^[38] African Union Commission, Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want (2015).

^[39] African Union, Protocol on Free Movement (2018).

^[40] Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (1963).

^[41] Mahmood Mamdani, Define and Rule (2012).

^[42] Achille Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason (2017).

^[43] South African Human Rights Commission, Report on Xenophobic Violence (2022).

^[44] Human Rights Watch, Migrants’ Access to Healthcare Under Threat (2024).

^[45] African Union Commission, Agenda 2063 (2015).

^[46] African Union, Protocol on Free Movement (2018).